10 ways in which Kejriwal revived his image in Delhi
February 14, 2015
A friendly next door neighbour persona, middle class appearance and uncharismatic personality make Arvind Kejriwal one of those middle class office-going people who are perennially grappled with the vagaries of existence. Like millions of youth, his non-elitist demeanour makes him look like any other morsel in the crowd. At the most, the only things that could have made Arvind Kejriwal stand out in the crowd were his IIT degree and the tag of (former) Indian Revenue Service officer – qualifications that many typical working class parents aspire for their children to accomplish for a decent life!
Yet Kejriwal’s non-conformist ways made him a quintessential rebel who picked up the gauntlet to challenge the establishment!
Invariably such a quality makes a man, leader of the common folks. Kejriwal did become a darling of the masses the day he chose to become a politician in 2012. His triumph in the Delhi assembly election a year later was enough indication of the common man’s support for him – he had given wings to a million dreams. Therefore, when he unceremoniously quit in just 49-days, those dreams were shattered and he needed to be punished. He was slapped by some, ridiculed by some others, and finally was decimated last summer in the general elections.
Indeed the writing was on the wall for him but he could still revive his fortunes and make a spectacular comeback, and how?
Here are the ten reasons for Kejriwal’s phoenix-like rise:
1) Kejriwal’s public apology that enabled him shed the quitter tag:
Kejriwal realised that he was but just one among the equals given his humble background. He had to apologise for betraying the people’s trust in him and also to convince them that there was no ulterior motive to his move. He conceded his mistakes, succeeded in convincing the people about his move, and apologised — “We made a mistake, didn’t commit a crime. Insaan hai, galti ho jaati hai (It’s human to make mistakes).”
His apology enhanced his appeal and thus he was not just forgiven by the people, but they gave him a second chance, this time with stunning majority.
His apology enhanced his appeal and thus he was not just forgiven by the people, but they gave him a second chance, this time with stunning majority.
2) Kejriwal’s down to earth political approach:
There seems no pretence in Kejriwal’s style and that did make it easier for him to connect with the masses once again. His casualness – that included his ‘Apartment life’, typically middle class Wagon R, his “sloppy pants”, loose untucked shirts, and muffler (in winter) still made the common man on the streets identify himself with him. Obviously his style was in sync with his “Aam Aadmi” message and once he apologised, the “Aam Aadmi” were back with him. (Consider how Narendra Modi’s humble ‘chaiwala’ image – that connected the prime minister to the common masses – got a beating when he wore a suit embroidered with his name all over it).
3) Kejriwal’s loyal cadre:
Quite a few of Kejriwal’s associates deserted him after he relinquished power in Delhi and his Aam Aadmi Party did miserably in the subsequent Lok Sabha elections. Yet, his cadre stuck to him and this speaks volumes of Kejriwal’s ability to keep his flock together in face of alleged attempts by the Bharatiya Janata Party to “poach” its MLAs.
These AAP volunteers played a big role this time again, as they had done in 2013, to enable Kejriwal return with a big bang. They tapped voters, canvassed actively, connected with the people, talked issues (The Delhi Dialogue campaign by the cadre, that spanned for four months, looked at theme-based issues such as health, sanitation and education), effectively managed the booths, and finally guarded the Electronic Voting Machines after voting.
4) Meticulous planning and execution of the plans at the ground level:
Realising the need to build the organisation, that he had ignored earlier, Kejriwal embarked on meticulous planning to consolidate the AAP’s base in Delhi. He decided against contesting assembly elections in states that went to polls –Haryana, Maharashtra, Jharkhand and Jammu and Kashmir, and decided rather to rework on its core constituencies than to explore untested territories. He resorted to building up the base with a more traditional approach — by launching the party’s youth and student wings in the city – state. The efforts paid rich dividends. Consider that while in 2013 the AAP had roughly 15,000 volunteers for 3,500 polling premises comprising 12,000 booths, this time they went into the fray with a workforce of 35-40,000 cadre!
5) Campaign headstart and restrained aggression:
Consider how the AAP started preparing for the elections in June itself. Such a head start did give it a distinct visibility. It was the first to announce its candidates that gave them ample time to canvass much before others were even in contention. With a call for “Paanch Saal Kejriwal (Elect Kejriwal for five years)”, it aptly conveyed the message loud and clear that there was a “singularity of purpose”.
Unlike the BJP that resorted to negative campaigning by resorting to making personal attacks on Kejriwal, the AAP largely refrained from getting into mudslinging and displayed restrained aggression. It did call the BJP’s CM aspirant Kiran Bedi an “opportunist” but that was all. Yet, its aggression did hit the mark. Consider how its online team of publicists responded to the BJP’s portrayal of Bedi as ‘Iron Lady’, by posting videos that suggested Bedi was walking away from media interview, and starting the hashtag “I-run-lady”.
Kejriwal also turned BJP’s ad campaign targeting him on its head, demanding the latter to apologise for insulting the baniya community with its “casteist ad” that referred to his “upadravi gotra”.
6) Sharper, positive election agenda:
The AAP kept the issues core to its existence alive by getting into a mass signature drive for an early election in the state presently under President’s rule with its assembly in suspended animation; and also by holding demonstrations and organising street plays to protest against the “menace” of black money, alcohol and other bribes to buy votes in the state. Its manifesto was made keeping in mind the youth as well as the urban poor – the two influential segments of voters. The promise of free Wi-Fi struck the right cord with the youngsters while concessions on power and water tariff yet again attracted the urban poor.
7) Strategic adjustments:
Kejriwal was quick to realise that the middle class and upper middle class – that had rooted for him in 2013 — was upset with his abrupt resignation from the CM’s post last time. So this time he assiduously wooed the urban poor and focused on Delhi’s rural seats (the AAP had failed to win a single rural seat in 2013). He made them recount the “achievements” of his 49-day rule and succeeded in convincing them that his government had indeed cut down the electricity and water tariffs as per their election promise. The strategy worked for him this time.
8) Change in the process of candidate selection:
Unlike last time, when tickets were given to fresh entrants, the AAP chose to field at least 17 such candidates who had earlier fought on other party tickets. Showing more political maturity, Kejriwal gave due diligence to the winning ability of the candidates and therefore, this time criminal backgrounds were left “open to interpretation”, while getting community votes was considered an asset.
9) Turning disadvantage into strength:
Kejriwal started on a shaky ground this election. He had the challenge to get rid of the “bhagoda” tag that cost him dearly in the general elections. So while on one hand he apologised for quitting as CM in just 49-days to assuage the sentiments of the voters, he missed no opportunity to convince them that he needed a majority to last a full term. Yet this was not enough. He again succeeded in giving the elections a David versus Goliath twist to turn the disadvantage of being political minnows into their strength.Consider how for the first 48 hours after the BJP announced Bedi as its CM candidate, the AAP went on the back foot and then regrouped to project it as the Bharatiya Janata Party’s nervousness by not getting Bedi to fight Kejriwal.
10) Taking everyone along:
The AAP’s largely perceived secular image made it a preferred destination for Muslims at a time when the Congress fortunes have nosedived. Yet, Kejriwal took a smart decision to ensure that the party was not identified with just any one community. His rejection of Imam Bukhari’s offer to support the AAP amply sent the right message to the electorates that his politics was that of inclusion that did not encourage communalism.
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