Compulsory Voting Bill : Advantages and Pitfalls
By Deepak Parvatiyar
The Gujarat
Governor O.P.Kohli’s assent to a controversial bill that was passed twice by
the state assembly but was languishing for five years has sparked furious
debate over the citizen’s right to vote across the country.
The bill in
question – The Gujarat Local Authorities Laws (Amendment) Bil – 2009 – provides
voting to be compulsory in local body elections. The same bill stipulates 50
per cent reservation for women in all local body elections.
The
legislation empowers the state government to take punitive action against the
non-voters in local body elections. However,
it was twice returned by Kohli’s immediate predecessor, Dr. Kamla
Beniwal, on grounds that the Bill violated the “freedom which a citizen is
entitled to enjoy under Article 21 of the Constitution”. She had then advised
the Government against entering into “a controversy to compel voters to act
against their conscience by means of coercion”. She had also advised the
government to segregate the women’s reservation bill.
It may be
mentioned that the Bill was mooted by the then Gujarat government under Chief Minister Narendra Modi, who is now the
prime minister of the country.
Modi’s argument was that the bill would ensure
people’s participation in the democratic process and therefore, strengthen
democracy. He, as the then CM, had sought to justify the Bill on grounds that
it would not just bring the ‘neutral’ voter to the polling booth, but also
bring down the cost of elections, and curb the role of black money in elections
as well.
To an extent
Modi is right given the fact that on an average around forty percent
voters don’t turn up for voting in a general election and about 30-35 per cent voters don’t vote in
state elections. This means that even around 20 per cent votes is sufficient
for a political party to annexe power.
Obviously this is a slur on representative democracy and Indian voters do need to be more involved in the electoral process.
Obviously this is a slur on representative democracy and Indian voters do need to be more involved in the electoral process.
Yet, what
has sparked a larger debate on the issue is whether ‘bringing the neutral voter to the polling
station’ is tantamount to coercive
tactic and an attack on the fundamental right of freedom to expression, or not?
Modi had
sought refuge in the provision of NOTA (None of the above) that offers the
option of rejecting the candidates. However, the legislation does kill the
option of boycotting the polling process as a form of protest. Isn’t this a
form of expression? Isn’t protest an essential feature of a vibrant democracy? Or in other words, isn’t democracy all about
choices?
Beniwal’s reference to Article 21 too needs a close scrutiny in this regard. The said Article provides ‘Protection of Life and Personal Liberty’ and says that ‘no person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law’.
The interpretation of the Article covers a
larger ambit and Constitutional experts have interpreted the expression
‘procedure established by law’ as a procedure which is reasonable, fair and
just.
Given the
provision, the question being raked up now is whether it is just to punish a
citizen even when he has not caused any harm to anybody’s right by not voting?
It may be
mentioned that the Gujarat legislation does not fall under the ambit of the
Election Commission of India and pertains only to local body elections in
Gujarat. Yet, the possibility of Prime Minister Modi, who is a strong votary of
compulsory voting, moving a similar bill in Parliament cannot be discounted.
In the past
Modi had buttressed his argument in favour of compulsory voting by referring to
certain “developed countries” that had implemented the same. It may be
mentioned that as of August 2013, 11 countries enforced compulsory voting. One
such country where voting is mandatory is Australia which is one of the few
advanced democracies and the only English speaking country to have introduced
compulsory voting. Yet, studies have shown that to avoid penal action in case
of not voting, many citizens (almost 10 per cent of the voting population) did
not get themselves registered as voters even.
Some of the
most advanced democracies such as the USA, UK, France and Germany have a system
of voluntary voting. Some countries such as the Netherlands and Austria
repealed such provisions of compulsory voting after decades of practising it.
In the
Indian context, the voting system is non discriminatory and voluntary as
provided by the Constitution and the Representation of People’s Act,
1951.While Article 326 of
Constitution guarantees the right to vote to every citizen above the age
of 18, the 1951 Act stipulates at all those included in the electoral roll will
be entitled to vote provided they don’t attract any disqualification.
Yet, the
debate on compulsory voting was prevalent even during the making of the
Constitution and a Constituent Assembly member, M. Ananthasayanam Ayyangar, had
even proposed such a provision during a debate on voting rights for illiterate
people on January 4, 1949.
The issue
was further taken up during the discussion on the People’s Representation Bill
in Parliament, in 1951 but was rejected by the then law minister Dr. B.R.
Ambedkar as he did not find it to be a practical solution to low voter
turnouts.
Yet, the
debate has continued and the issue was raised again in 1990 at the Dinesh
Goswami Committee on electoral reforms but again rejected on the similar ground
of practical difficulties in implementing such a provision. In 2004 and then
again in 2009, two members of parliament introduced bills related to compulsory
voting as private member bill but on both occasions they did not get the
support of the House.
There are
indeed many practical difficulties involved in the implementation of compulsory
voting.
While it
entails heavy burden on the exchequer because of its massive requirement
of processes and manpower on one hand,
the cost to implement it is just one factor.
A rather important factor that comes in the way of implementation of
compulsory voting is that the Constitution envisages voting as a Right and not
as a Duty. Being a Right, it is a privilege that an citizen enjoys and it
is up to him on whether to exercise such
a privilege or not.
Time and again various committees appointed by the government has
recommended voting to be made a Fundamental Duty. A report submitted in 1999 by
the Justice J.S. Verma committee, as
well as the National Commission to review the working of the Constitution of
India had advocated inclusion of Duty to
vote at elections in Article 51 A of the Constitution that deals with Fundamental
Duties.
However, the
dissenters of the provision argue while even the parliamentarians are allowed
to abstain from voting inside the House, it would be pertinent to first make it
compulsory for the MPs to vote.
Besides,
given the fact that considering even if 10 per cent of the 83 crore plus
eligible voters – and that would be a sizeable number -- fail to vote, will
they all be brandished as law breakers? How can one impose fines on these 8
crore people?
Even the
above mentioned Gujarat legislation too is yet to decide on the punitive
measures to be taken in case of violation of the law and it would be
interesting what model it follows – Australia imposes a fine. Singapore strikes
off the name of the offender from the voting list. Brazil impounds the
passport…and so on.
It is not
going to be easy to implement any of such measures in Indian context as it puts
heavy burden on the government exchequer.
Consider
that there are 18 countries do not enforce compulsory voting despite having the
provision on the law books!
Obviously Ambedkar had well thought of such
complexities when he talked of the practical problems of compulsory voting.
So shouldn’t voting be left to a citizen’s choice?
Even
Election Commissioner VS Sampath has been quoted as saying that the “decision
to vote or not to vote is an individual decision”.
Yet, the question
is rather tricky. Consider that the same view was taken by the Supreme Court in
April 2009 when it had dismissed a petition to make voting and instead pointed
out that many parts of the country did record high turnouts.
However, in August
this year, the Supreme Court issued notices to the Centre and the Election
Commission on a public interest litigation seeking compulsory voting on the
basis of the JS Verma Committee recommendation that voting be made a
fundamental duty by amending Article 51 of the Constitution.
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