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The caste game in Bihar
September 23, 2015
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Much is being discussed about the
caste-ridden politics of Bihar. As it is, those who have the numbers dominate
the political scene in the laggard state. Besides, family considerations too
prevail over social equations as political parties brazenly resort to nepotism.
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Expectedly therefore, yet again,
Bihar elections are all about caste arithmetic and number games while real
issues confronting the state and political ideologies take a back seat.
Hence, when it comes to allocation
of tickets, issues such as the much touted economic package for Bihar, promises
of farmers’ welfare, and even the contentious “Bihar’s DNA” (Consider the way
chief minister Nitish Kumar felt offended when his bête noir, Prime Minister
Narendra Modi, had sarcastically referred to his DNA in a public address in
July, give way to only caste and family considerations.
This is the naked truth again
whether it is the family feud within over tickets with Ram Vilas Paswan’s Lok
Janshakti Party, or the allocation of tickets to the relatives whether of
Bharatiya Janata Party MPs Dr. CP Thakur or Ashwini Kumar Chaubey, or sons of
Rashtriya Janata Dal supremo Lalu Prasad Yadav.
As it is, those who have the numbers
get the lion’s share. This is a sordid fact of Bihar politics and is evidently
clear this time again. Expectedly caste-based nepotistic politics has yet again
prevailed during allocation of tickets in the state elections in the face of an
expected tough and close contest among rival parties and alliances. None is
willing to take chance and step beyond the caste fixation.
It is against this backdrop that one
needs to analyse the Bharatiya Janata Party’s splurge on the Yadav tickets, or
Mulayam Singh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party backed Third Front (the Nationalist
Congress Party is another constituent of the Front) joining ranks with the
controversial lawmaker Rajesh Ranjan alias Pappu Yadav’s Jan Adhikar Party
Loktantrik at the very last minute, or even the emerging feud within Lok
Janshakti Party supremo Ram Vilas Paswan’s own family wherein his son-in-law is
up in arms against Paswan.
It may be mentioned that for the
last twenty five years, the Rashtriya Janata Dal’s politics was based on its
Yadav and Muslim support base. The two communities together constitute about
30.3 per cent votes and their en bloc voting meant an indomitable position for
RJD chief Lalu Yadav in the last decade of the 20th century and the first five
years of the 21st Century.
Things changed as BJP joined hands
with Janata Dal (United)’s Nitish Kumar, a Kurmi (like Yadavs, Kurmis too, fall
in the OBC category) by caste. With BJP’s significant hold on the upper castes
that comprise about 24 per cent votes, Nitish’s own OBC card (even though
Kurmis comprise less than five per cent votes) coupled with his development
plank proved to be a winning formula for the JD(U)-BJP combine in the next ten
years since 2005.
For once, it seemed as if Bihar was
on the right track by giving preference to development over caste. But as it
is, it has only turned out to be a façade. Caste-based considerations are only
too deep-rooted in the state to be dismissed. Add Nitish’s own ambitions that
led to his parting of ways with the BJP in 2013, and the fragile caste fabric
of the state, everything is exposed again in these elections. Eyeing the Yadav
and Muslim votes, he is back with his old friend turned foe Lalu – a move
purely based on caste considerations and personal ambition than any political
ideology.
In fact, looking at the fast
changing political scenario in the state in the last couple of years, caste
considerations have seemingly emerged as the centripetal force of all political
developments in the state. Consider how Nitish resigned as CM taking moral
responsibility of the JD(U)’s disastrous performance in the 2014 Lok Sabha
elections in Bihar. He installed as his successor his close aid Jitan Ram
Manjhi, a Maha Dalit – a new grouping of dalits that he had created to
consolidate his support base. However, the move went awry as Nitish, keen to
return as CM again, engineered Manjhi’s ouster. Ever since, Manjhi has proved
an eyesore for Nitish as the former not only deftly played the Maha Dalit card
(Maha Dalits constitute around 15 per cent votes, and formed his own political
outfit, Hindustan Awami Morcha, but went on to join the BJP-led NDA, which had
termed the Manjhi episode as an insult to the Maha Dalits.
Manjhi, on his side, used his Maha
Dalit card to even negotiate hard with the BJP and succeeded in clinching 20
seats for his party candidates, and forcing the BJP to get five more of his
supporters to contest on the BJP symbol.
It is understandable that despite
yielding to Manjhi’s demands and massaging the egos of Dalit ally Ram Vilas
Paswan as well as OBC Upendra Kushwaha’s Rashtriya Lok Samata Party, the BJP
still looks desperate to retain its hold on the Upper Caste population on one
hand, and make a dent into the formidable Yadav votes on the other to upset the
Lalu-Nitish combination this time. At the same time it is making efforts to
keep its flock together and its decision to give its poll manifesto a miss and
instead release a ‘Vision Document’ as it had done during the Delhi state
elections in February. This actually is being being seen as a ploy to avoid
trouble in case of a miss in poll promises to any caste or social group.
As it is, the entry of Asaduddin
Owaisi’s All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) in Bihar, is expected
to divide the Muslim votes particularly in Seemanchal that will go against the
Lalu-Nitish combination, which now claim Owaisi to be a BJP “plant”. The same
sentiment is also being airedagainst Mulayam Singh Yadav following his last
minute split from the Mahagathbandhan of Lalu,Nitish and the Congress. His
Third Front, despite its limited influence, is expected to further split the
Yadav as well as Muslim votes. The last minute inclusion of Pappu Yadav,
himself a formidable force in Seemanchal, too, is expected to hit Lalu.
Yet, given the fact that while
Mulayam is (estranged?) relative of the RJD supremo, and Pappu himself is an
old RJD hand, the BJP seems cautious. This could well explain why the Lotus has
splurged on Yadav tickets, thus far fielding 22 Yadavs in the fray. It is
nothing but caste-politics – a necessity to beat Lalu in his own caste game –
the RJD supremo specifically played the Yadav card by cautioning his community
against BJP’s attempt to divide them at the “Swabhiman Rally” in Patna on
August 30, which was addressed by Congress president Sonia Gandhi as well,
besides Nitish.
Lalu’s fears are not unfounded.
Let’s first dwell on statistics. Out of its share of 160 seats, the BJP has
declared 153 contestants. Of them, 65 belong to the Upper Caste –30 Rajputs, 18
Bhumihars, 14 Brahmins, 3 Kayasthas. The list of those belonging to the OBCs,
SCs, STs, Dalits and Extremely Backward Class is much bigger including 22
Yadavs, 19 Vaishyas,6 Kushwahas, 3 Kurmis, 22 SCs, 1 Scheduled Tribe, and 14
EBCs, besides 2 Muslims. This is self-explanatory.
This is the first time that the BJP
has fielded such a large number of Yadavs. To say the least, isn’t this a
strategy to beat Lalu at his own caste game? On second thoughts, isn’t this
unfortunate for Bihar which continues to slip deeper into the cesspool of
caste-ridden politics, election after elections?
- See more at:
http://www.elections.in/blog/the-caste-game-in-bihar/#sthash.YjPC9FpU.dpuf
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