Skip to main content

What would be the fallout if N Chandrababu Naidu quits NDA?

What would be the fallout if N Chandrababu Naidu quits NDA?

March 4, 2015
In 1999, Nara Chandrababu Naidu was the unquestionable ‘King Maker’ as the support of his Telugu Desam Party’s 24 members of parliament was crucial for the survival of the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance government at the Centre.
What would be the fallout for NDA if N Chandrababu Naidu quits NDA
He though left the NDA after the 2004 loss, blaming the BJP for the Gujarat riots. Ostensibly his target was the then Gujarat Chief Minister (now Prime Minister) Narendra Modi.
Isn’t it ironical therefore that Naidu chose to return to the NDA fold well after a decade and at a time when Modi was the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate?
Obviously, it was a political decision devoid of any ideological consideration at a time when Naidu’s popularity in Andhra Pradesh was a matter of conjecture—especially with the division of the state and the rise of Jaganmohan Reddy. As for the BJP, he indeed was a prized catch since it was steadily bleeding allies to the extent that it was only left with Shiv Sena and Akali Dal as NDA partners after 2004.
The pre-elections alliance with the NDA did help Naidu in AP where he returned as CM in the bifurcated state and his party could win 15 Lok Sabha seats. But it was at what price? Reports suggest that the BJP had driven a hard bargain then as it was aware of Naidu’s desperation to cement the alliance.

Naidu disappointed with the Andhra Pradesh being ignored in the Union Budget

The chinks in such fragile arrangement are exposed now. Naidu is disappointed with the “raw deal” meted out to AP in the Union Budget 2015-16. He is unhappy over the “abysmal” allocations of over Rs 350 crore to AP and a “niggardly” Rs 100 crore to the purported national project Polavaram, and now publicly protests against the “non-operationalisation” of the Andhra Pradesh Re-organisation agreement which entailed a grant of some major funds to the survivor state of AP after its bifurcation.
Yet, the Budget only seems an immediate provocation. Naidu had expressed his displeasure that the 14th Finance Commission “hasn’t made any specific award for AP though it acknowledged that we suffered fiscal damage due to bifurcation”. He was also unhappy with the Railway budget as the much touted Visakhapatnam special railway zone had not found a place in Suresh Prabhu’s 2015-16 Railway Budget. Reports further suggest that Naidu also seems upset as Modi ignored his request for appointments on more than one occasion.
Cornered to the wall, Naidu now drops hints of pulling out of the NDA. Yet he is careful enough to state: “I am not going to play petty politics.”

So will Chandrababu Naidu withdraw now?

His dilemma is obvious. He realises that unlike in 1999, his support is not required for the BJP in Lok Sabha. The only way he could wield his influence on the government is with his six Rajya Sabha MPs. Consider how on February 3, the Opposition embarrassed the government by managing to get an amendment passed over President Pranab Mukherjee’s Motion of Thanks address on corruption and black money. This was only the fourth such instance in Rajya Sabha’s history. Obviously short of numbers in the Upper House at least for two more years, the BJP would ill afford to lose allies such as the TDP. Yet, at the same time it is well aware of the TDP’s political limitations and is exploiting the same.
Ostensibly Naidu is vexed over the growing proximity between Modi and the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) chief K Chandrashekhara Rao – the chief minister of Telangana. Political grapevine is abuzz with reports that Rao’s daughter and  Nizamabad MP K Kavitha, could well find a place in the Union Cabinet in the next expansion.
Yet, the TRS only has one Rajya Sabha member!
Hence it makes sense for Naidu to bide his time and this explains why he still insists on meeting the prime minister.
But can the two continue for long?

There are no permanent friends or foes in politics

As it goes, in politics nobody is a permanent friend or enemy. This has been more obvious in recent times particularly concerning the BJP wherein the Modi-(BJP President Amit) Shah duo have seemingly maintained a stress-stretch relationship with their allies and appeared more bent on testing the limits of an alliance. Consider how the long time ally Shiv Sena was dumped at the drop of a hat by the BJP when it found the support of the Nationalist Congress Party to form the government in Maharashtra after the fractured verdict in the state. Yet, when the Shiv Sena fell in line by softening its demand for plump portfolios in the ministry, it conveniently dumped the NCP for the sake of the revival of the 25-year-old alliance.
Apparently political relevance and practical considerations have become more important for the BJP than ideological similarities and lasting relationships, now. Consider how the BJP did not hesitate to snap ties with the Haryana Janhit Congress after the party failed to open its account in Haryana in the last general elections. Yet, another example was that of the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK), which became the first ally to step out of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), on grounds that Prime Minister Narendra Modi had “reneged on his promise” that the BJP-led government would not support Sri Lanka and its President Mahinda Rajapaksa. Yet, the MDMK, which had forged a pre-election alliance with the BJP, had lost its relevance with no members either in the Lok Sabha or in the Rajya Sabha at present. It had also not contested the last assembly elections in Tamil Nadu.
Another case in point is the Lotus joining hands with the Jammu and Kashmir People’s Democratic Party despite their ideological differences to form the government in J&K, to encash, in the words of Union Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, a “historical opportunity to bring about larger reconciliation in Jammu & Kashmir in larger national interest ”. (The differences between the two parties have emerged straightaway after the government formation).
Obviously the BJP, having tasted blood at the hustings, now wants a lion’s share everywhere and it cannot be faulted for this. But this definitely irks Naidu as the BJP’s expansionist plans are also visible in Andhra where it has already managed to break the Congress by winning over the latter’s three former MPs and 10 former MLAs to its fold. It is also reportedly eyeing fence sitters from the YSR Congress in order to expand in the state.
Obviously Naidu needs to take a stand now. But can he afford to snap ties with the NDA? Besides, as for the BJP, can its “you fall in line” approach for the allies work for long? An interesting political battle is on the cards between Naidu and Modi.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Can Politicians in India ever be Honest ?

Can Politicians in India ever be Honest ? By  Deepak Parvatiyar September 10, 2014 “Na Khaoonga, Na Khane Doonga,” Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently declared. Loosely translated, it meant the PM would not tolerate corruption at public offices and one of his cabinet ministers lauded his remarks saying it required “real guts” for the PM to make such public proclamations. Why can’t we have honest politicians? Consider a quote from Simon Cameron, who served as United States Secretary of War for Abraham Lincoln at the start of the American Civil War — “An honest politician is one who, when he is bought, will stay bought.” It does conceal less and reveals all! Role of Big Money and Lobbyists in Politics You may also like to read Politicians of India At this juncture I am reminded of American Gil Fulbright’s last year’s satirical crowdfunding campaign for his project, ‘The Honest Politician’, that sought to enable him contest for the Kentucky senate against

Karnataka Elections 2018 No political party has ever returned to power in Karnataka since 1983

Karnataka Elections 2018 No political party has ever returned to power in Karnataka since 1983 By Deepak Parvatiyar The Marathi translation of this article was published in leading Marathi daily Pudhari on 28 April 2018     The high voltage election campaigning by national leaders of both rival parties, the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Congress, signify the importance of Karnataka elections. In case the Congress retains the state after elections, it will be a great morale booster for its cadre. In such a case the Congress president Rahul Gandhi can look forward to the ensuing elections in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhatisgarh – all BJP bastions, with a positive frame of mind. He could then hope for a revival of the party before the 2019 general elections. This would be important particularly after his continued dismal show in state elections including those in the North Eastern states of Meghalaya, Tripura and Nagaland, earlier this year. To his advantage, K

Waterman Rajendra Singh on his activities in Maharashtra

Published in Marathi Daily Pudhari on 9th January 2018 साक्षात्कार डॉ . राजेंद्र सिंह जलपुरुष नाम से विख्यात मैग्सेसे एवं स्टॉकहोल्म वाटर पुरुस्कार से सम्मानित डॉ. राजेंद्र सिंह एक अरसे से महाराष्ट्र में पानी की समस्या के निवारण के लिए काम कर रहे हैं. उनके कामों का क्या प्रभाव पड़ा है इस विषय पर वरिष्ठ पत्रकार दीपक पर्वतियार ने विस्तार से उनसे बातचीत की.   प्रश्न 1. महाराष्ट्र में आप काफी समय लगा रहे हैं . आपके कामों का क्या प्रभाव हो रहा ? उत्तर. महाराष्ट्र में हम पांच तरह के काम कर रहे हैं. एक तो जल साक्षरता का काम जिसमें मेरा बहुत समय लगता है. महाराष्ट्र इस देश में अकेला राज्य है जहां सरकार, समाज और एकेडेमिक और एडमिनिस्ट्रेटिव तथा सोशल एडमिनिस्ट्रेटिव लीडरशिप के लोगों ने मिलकर पूरे राज्य में जल साक्षरता का एक अभियान   शुरू करने का काम किया है. यसदा में उसका सेंटर है. योजना में बहुत अच्छी टीम काम कर रही है. मैं उनको मदद करता हूं. उनको समय देता हूं. दूसरा काम जलयुक्त शिवार का है. वहां कुछ जगह जलयुक्त शिवार में जहां - जहां कुछ ऑफिस से और सामाजिक कार्यकर्त